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The following was presented at the annual Federation of American Scientists Board of Directors meeting in Washington, D.C., December, 2002.


To the Board of the Federation of American Scientists:
by Jane Dale Owen

Houston needs your help. When our region surpassed Los Angeles for ozone pollution in 2000, Houston's air quality briefly became a topic in the presidential race. But international terrorism has pushed environmental issues to the bottom of our national priorities. Texas politicians have done a brilliant job of displacing the blame for air pollution onto the driving habits of ordinary citizens, while ignoring the single most important source of air pollution in the Houston area: the petro-chemical plants along the Houston Ship Channel.

These plants produce approximately two-thirds of the petro-chemical products in the nation, and represent a third of the world's production. Using its tremendous financial and political power, the petro-chemical industry has sued complacent state regulators to relax emission standards, and with the cooperation of state and local officials, has commandeered federal funds intended for wetland protection to underwrite air pollution research that industry can well afford to conduct itself. Industry has so intimidated Houston's Texas Medical Center, the largest concentration of medical research organizations in the world, that it has conducted scarcely any environmental health research on the environmental causes of our city's epidemics of asthma, allergies and cancer.

A handful of badly outnumbered and underfunded environmentalists has been calling attention to air pollution problems since the 1960s, but Houston's civic leadership, most of which has been enriched by oil, has failed to address these problems. As many of you know, my grandfather was one of the founders of the Texas oil industry. But he was also a humanitarian who worked as a hospital volunteer after business hours. I think he would be appalled at the failure of Texas leaders to address the air pollution problems our city endures. The smell of these refineries has for too long been called "the smell of money," when really it is the smell of sickness and death.

We've known this for a long time. In the early 1970s a pioneering cancer epidemiologist, Eleanor Macdonald, published research that showed Houston cancer death rates were tied to air pollution. Macdonald had developed research methods as a young Radcliffe graduate in the 1930s, by working with physicians at what was to become Memorial Sloan Kettering Institute in Massachusetts. In 1948 she was hired by M.D. Anderson Cancer Research Center. After years of meticulous research of hospital records with a staff she personally trained, Macdonald traced high cancer death rates to neighborhoods downwind of the Houston Ship Channel. After Macdonald retired in the early 1980s, MD Anderson dropped her work. The failure of the Houston medical establishment to fund environmental health research was underscored in an article published last May by Bob Burtman in the National Resources Defense Council magazine, ON EARTH.

What are the health impacts of Houston air pollution? Our civic leaders and medical researchers don't want to know. Macdonald, still sharp at age 96, recalls that she notified industry representatives of her findings and warned them that if they wanted to verify her results, they must research census tracks four or five miles downwind of the industrial plants. Instead, she says, they surveyed along the industrial fencelines, and found no problems.

The primary source of Houston's ozone pollution is quite clearly the petrochemical industry. The Texas Commission for Environmental Quality (formerly the Texas Natural Resources Conservation Commission) displays a real time ozone animation map on its website that contains the latest measurements in the form of colored plumes. That graphic demonstrates ground level ozone generating from industry, expanding and moving with winds over the rest of the community. Orange and red dots, indicating unhealthy and dangerous concentrations of pollution, burst out of the Ship Channel industries east of downtown Houston, then expand into the yellow, less concentrated clouds of pollution that spread across the city.

This ozone is generated by the release of volatile organic compounds (VOCs), most notably propylene, ethylene and 1,3 butadiene, called "rapid ozone precursors." These chemicals are blasted out of smoke stacks and flares, and leak out of vents, valves and pipes. On hot still days they combine with NOx emissions from industrial motors and the automobiles and trucks driven by industry and the public to create ozone, a major lung irritant. In August 2000 federal and state investigators conducted a $20 million study of Houston's air pollution called the Texas Air Quality Study that confirmed what environmentalists have been saying all along: that industry vastly underreports the extent of its emissions.

Scientists flying instrument-laden aircraft through the industrial plumes measured chemical emissions so intense that their first reaction was to question whether industry had been calculating its emissions correctly. They discovered that the calculations were being made according to methods defined by the Environmental Protection Agency, correctly, but something was completely wrong. The ozone precursors were seven to fifteen times higher than what industry reported. Some chemicals were one hundred times higher than reported.

But no shame has been attached to industry for these excesses. (One of my colleagues naively assumed that if plants had exceeded their reported releases so significantly, they must be violating their state permits. But he discovered that Texas permits are written so loosely that plants can exceed their reported emissions by many times and still legally operate because their permits are set purposefully high.) No one really knows how much industry emits, and if industry knows, it isn't telling, often under the guise of protecting trade secrets.

In 1990 Congress toughened the Federal Clean Air Act, requiring states to create plans to clean up sore spots such as Houston. Our region's state implementation plan is supposed to be complete by 2004 and producing results by 2007, or Texas could lose $4 billion of federal transportation funds. Most environmentalists doubt that Texas will meet these deadlines. We expect that industry, with many of its representatives installed in the highest federal offices, will appeal for more time.

Under the terms of the state implementation plan for the Houston area, industry has been targeted to reduce its NOx emissions by 90 percent. Industry has also been required to reduce its NOx emissions by 90 percent, with a 25 percent reduction in VOCs, but is arguing that that standard is too high, and wants it lowered to 80 percent. It hardly seems reasonable to lower industry goals when the state's scientists, lacking an accurate toxic emissions inventory, have yet to construct a successful computer model of Houston's air pollution. Yet predictably, the recently appointed executive director of the Texas Commission on Environmental Quality declared she is inclined to go along with industry. The EPA's regional administrator will be put under tremendous pressure to go along as well.

Industry has estimated that it will save $9 billion if Texas and federal regulators allow it to reduce its NOx emissions by 80 percent instead of 90 percent. How it came up with this figure is a mystery, since industry has been extremely tight-lipped with information, preferring to work behind the scenes rather than in public. What are the costs of reducing industrial pollution?

Houston needs the help of scientists and economists from outside the region who can conduct independent research on industry claims. Leaks in pipe and valves can be corrected with widely available technology some of which is already required in California. The EPA has identified major sources of industrial emissions: stacks, flares, process vents and cooling towers. (and issued directives to industry that have been ignored. Some of the technology to fix smokestack emissions is indeed expensive. Catalytic scrubbers are needed to attain VOC reductions as high as 90 percent, but American industry seems to be dragging its feet in building them.

During the 1990s the EPA's chief enforcement officer, Eric Schaeffer, sued several major industrial air polluters for failing to install emissions reduction equipment, brought them to the negotiating table and obtained commitments to spend tens of millions of dollars on technology. Schaeffer resigned a year ago when he realized he would no longer have agency backing to enforce the Clean Air Act.

Environmental battles are fought with information.. The Federation can help develop that information. We need objective technical studies of the true costs of cleaning up the petrochemical industry. We need to compare those costs to the human health costs of pollution. So far those costs have only been crudely calculated.

One environmental group has estimated the cost of childhood asthma alone at $13 billion a year. The city of Houston commissioned the Sonoma Company of California to conduct an inexpensive study of environmental health costs. Winifred Hamilton of the Baylor College of Medicine has been working on environmental health studies, but she is one of the few researchers at the Texas Medical Center conducting such work.

Houston's environmental problems lack a dramatic and emotional focus. The nation's imagination is engaged by controversies set in beautiful natural places, as when people argue whether snowmobiles or grizzly bears should be allowed in Yosemite National Park.

Our citizen air sampling efforts--the so-called bucket brigades-serve as an irritant to industry, and occasionally get public attention. But when you think about it, citizens should not have to engage in such technological and potentially dangerous work. Our government should be monitoring much more intensively than it does, and industry should be paying for it.

In Houston we are dealing with the most politically and financially powerful corporations in the world. They don't just influence the White House; they control it. There is no question that the petro-chemical companies sicken and kill far more people than international terrorists. These corporations must be held accountable for their pollution.

Houston needs sustained national attention. Its problems should be of national and international concern. Perhaps a national conference on air pollution should be held in Houston during the summer of 2004, before the presidential election when the air pollution will be high and the political debates will be revived.

Houston should be a national priority, because if we can stop pollution here, we can stop it anywhere. And if we can't, our citizens are going to continue to sicken and die.



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